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Where the Christian Right Meets Neoconfederacy Email Print

"It may be tempting to see Roy Moore as an exception" I wrote in the current issue of The Public Eye magazine, about the man best known as 'the ten commandments judge,'
but his rise is reviving old coalitions. In 2004, his former spokesman and legal advisor, Tom Parker, was elected as an Associate Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. At Parker's request, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas made the trek to Montgomery to swear him in. Exjudge Moore then also swore him in. "The Chief's courage to stand for principle over personal position inspired me and animated voters during my campaign for the Alabama Supreme Court" said Parker. "So, I have been doubly blessed to have been sworn into office by two heroes of the judiciary."  But Parker's politics has additional roots in the politics of the former Governor George] Wallace era.
He has ties to neoconfederate organizations such as the Council of Conservative Citizens and the white supremacist League of the South.

A January 1, 2006 op-ed by Parker from The Birmingham News, is currently posted over at the Alliance Defense Fund, a key Christian Right legal strategy organization.  

Parker starts out with a breathtaking assertion, by contemporary standards, regarding the Alabama Supreme Court's recent overturning of a death sentence of a juvenile.  He declares that the Alabama court should ignore the U.S. Supreme Court's ban on juvenille executions because it is "the unconstitutional opinion of five liberal justices on the U.S. Supreme Court," and is therefore not binding. He invokes the discredited notion of "interposition," which argues that the states may defy the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court.

But a diarist on The Daily Kos has an excellent analysis of Parker's piece, noting Parker's neo-confederate ties -- and neo-confederate legal theory. Here is a taste:

When Justice Parker calls for Alabama to interpose its authority on that of the Supreme Court, he not only flouts the Constitution, but he also proclaims his allegiance to the same lawless arguments which drove post-Brown resistence to integration.  Given his ties to white supremacy, this shouldn't come as a surprise.
Check out the whole piece.

In Parker's op-ed he also repeats a refrain I have heard from Christian Reconstructionist leaders of the Constitution Party, the third largest political party in the U.S. (Christian Reconstructionists generally believe in creating an Old Testament style theocracy based on what they call "Biblical Law.")

Parker claims that decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court "bind only the parties to the particular case." So for example, since in thier view, like Parker's Supreme Court decisions apply only to the parties before them and do not constitute the law of the land, then Constitution Party candidates for president and vice-president argued in speeches and in a press conference after thier nominations that states should not view Roe v. Wade as the law of the land; that state or local officials should shut down clincs and prosecute doctors for murder. I wrote about this the following year in Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy in 1997.

[Howard] Phillips and [Herb]Titus argued that Roe v. Wade and other Supreme Court decisions are unconstitutional and should be neither enforced nor obeyed. These decisions included overturning the "male only" admissions policy a the state sponsored Virginia Military Institute, and declaring unconstitutional Colorado's Amendment 2, which would have barred localities from enacting civil rights protections for gays and lesbians.

Titus said that if he and Phillips were elected they would appoint federal district attorneys who would prosecute abortion providers on murder charges. Although a candidate espousing such views may never be elected, similar opinions are beginning to enter higher levels of public discourse."


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They've decided that their "moral" position allows them to be above the law.

And, of course, those who are against them are to be afforded none of the protections of law.

by Devilstower on 01/05/2006 02:59:06 PM EST

in what reality do these people find it rational to somehow associate themselves with Jesus Christ, one of the greatest liberals of all time?

Sure it would be nice if "God sorted 'em out", unfortunately, they're set on destroying humanity and the planet long before they have to face him.

Political Cortex -- Brain Food for the Body Politic

by Tom Ball on 01/05/2006 04:27:44 PM EST

[ Parent ]
Parker's article, which disparaged his fellow justices on the state Supreme Court, focused on their decision to abide by a 2005 U.S. Supreme Court ruling (Roper v. Simmons) that reinforced an earlier decision which had struck down state laws allowing for the execution of minors.

The decision of the Alabama justices was 8 - 0, Parker recused himself, in favor of instructing the Alabama Criminal Court of Appeals to decide whether the Roper decision requires the court to change the death sentence of a minor, Renaldo Adams, to life without parole for the gruesome murder of a pregnant Alabama woman.

Justice Parker recused himself from the Adams case because he had been involved in the prosecution of the case as an assistant to Attorney General Bill Pryor, not Jeff Sessions as he mistakenly claims in his article.

Parker regards his fellow justices' decision to follow the U.S. Supreme Court's precedent "...as a failure to defend our U.S. Constitution and laws against activist federal judges." Moreover, Parker accuses them of passively accommodating rather than actively resisting the unconstitutional majority opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court.

While Parker is correct that Roper is another example of judicial activism, the decision by his colleagues to abide by the higher court's ruling does not constitute a failure to defend the U.S. Constitution nor is it passive accommodation of judicial activism. The other eight justices were in fact upholding the rule of law because all judges are bound by precedent.

Conservative judicial activism is no more acceptable than liberal judicial activism because in the end both lead to an undermining of the public respect and trust of the law. Consequently, by advocating that conservative judges engage in judicial activism by refusing to uphold the precedents of the U.S. Supreme Court, Parker himself fails the test of judicial restraint.

This does not mean that precedents cannot be challenged.

Parker is correct in advocating that precedents such as Roper may be challenged in order to have them reviewed. But the proper venue for challenging precedents is outside a judge's chambers. The most suitable officials for challenging precedents are state attorney generals or governors. Because every lower court judge is bound by precedent, it is up to the attorney general or governor to appeal their case all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court which is the only judicial body that can change a precedent.

Unfortunately, Parker appears to have also misinterpreted the Roper majority's attitude toward the failure of lower courts to uphold precedent.

He apparently concluded that because the majority in the Roper decision did not reprimand the Missouri Supreme Court for failing to follow precedent in a previous ruling (Stanford), that they were somehow sending a message to other state courts that they were also free to ignore precedent. However, in his dissent on Roper, Associate Justice Antonin Scalia, took strong exception to the fact that the majority failed to admonish the Missouri court "...for its flagrant disregard of our precedent in Stanford."

Furthermore, Scalia, arguably the most conservative justice on the U.S. Supreme Court, reinforced the idea that lower courts are bound by precedent stating that "it is this Court's prerogative alone to overrule one of its precedents." He concluded his dissent with the perspective that allowing lower courts to ignore precedent and leave the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions without any force "...destroys stability and makes our case law an unreliable basis for the designing of laws by citizens and their representatives, and for action by public officials. The result will be to crown arbitrariness with chaos."

Given Scalia's strong affirmation of precedent in his Roper dissent, would Parker now paint Scalia with the same brush he has applied to his fellow justices on the Alabama Supreme Court? Would he also disparage Scalia as he has his fellow justices by claiming that his defense of upholding precedent is tantamount to surrendering his conservative credentials? Yet what the other eight justices on the Alabama Supreme Court did in the Adams case is exactly what Justice Scalia said they should do-they followed the precedent.

It is distressing to see a member of the Alabama Supreme Court undermine the decorum of the court by attacking the credibility of his fellow justices, all of whom can legitimately lay claim to solid credentials as conservatives and constructionists when it comes to abiding by and upholding the U.S. Constitution.

By writing the article, Parker himself demonstrated a lack of judicial restraint and that is no way for a member of the state's highest court to conduct himself. Furthermore, advocating that state courts should refuse to uphold the precedents of the U.S. Supreme Court is, as Associate Justice Scalia wrote in his Roper dissent, no way to run our legal system either.

by Anonymous111 on 01/12/2006 07:06:18 PM EST

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