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Bush and Libby? Expect Anything Else? Email Print

As someone who has voiced frequent criticism at the current mainstream media it was gratifying to read today's (July 3) New York Times editorial on George W. Bush's commutation of I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby's 30-month sentence and praise it as trenchant and a model of precise logic and reason.

The Times begins by zeroing in on Bush's lofty declarations during his first presidential campaign in 2000, when he sought to establish a clear-cut distinction between his self-pronounced law-abiding morality with that of President Bill Clinton.  Candidate Bush asserted, "(P)olitics, after a time of tarnished ideals, can be higher and better."

An excellent point raised was the distinction Bush clearly draws between crime when committed by "common folk" as opposed to political cronies.  While Texas' governor Bush reportedly devoted 15 minutes to evaluating capital punishment cases.  

It was none other than conservative talk show host and columnist Tucker Carlson who reported the incident when Bush joked about the impending execution of Karla Faye Tucker, a killer who became a born-again Christian on death row, and whose sentence commutation to life without possibility of parole was supported by Pat Robertson along with many others on both sides of the political divide.  

If Democrats in Congress are able to summon up the courage to act, there is a compelling obstruction of justice case against both Bush and Dick Cheney to be pursued in the story that unfolded in July 2003 beginning with former U.S. Ambassador Joseph Wilson conducting a fact finding mission for the CIA.

The result of that trip and investigation helped debunk allegations that Iraq had been seeking yellow cake from the African nation of Niger for the enrichment of uranium in connection with efforts to acquire nuclear weapons.

Investigative journalist Robert Parry, who broke details of the Iran-Contra scandal for the Associated Press and Newsweek, in a column today at his Consortiumnews.com site refers to a White House official telling a Washington Post reporter concerning Wilson's trip that the Bush Administration had told at least six reporters about the former ambassador's wife Valerie Plame's service in the CIA "purely and simply out of revenge" against Wilson.

Such conduct illustrates how hell-bent the neocon Republican leadership was to go to war with Iraq and oust Saddam Hussein.  Any evidence contradicting assertions that, in Condoleezza Rice's words, a "gigantic mushroom cloud" could be awaiting America from a Saddam Hussein onslaught required a blunt and ruthless response.

In the leakage against Plame that followed, Libby was one of the leakers, briefing Judith Miller of the New York Times and Matthew Cooper of Time, but neither journalist was willing to reveal Plame's identity.  Libby also brought White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer into the leak operation.

According to Robert Parry, "Two other leakers, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and his friend, White House political adviser Karl Rove, finally managed to get right-wing columnist Robert Novak to run a story about Plame's identity."

Libby was Cheney's number one subordinate.  His fingerprints are visible on the crime scene, as are those of George W. Bush.  As for Bush, he pretended to know nothing about the anti-Wilson leaks, even though it was learned that he had authorized release of some intelligence information meant to bolster the White House position on the uranium issue and undercut Wilson.

It is understandable that Bush and Cheney were petrified at the prospect of Libby staring at prison walls and becoming infuriated over his predicament.  Here was a man who, as the saying goes, "knew where the bodies were buried."

After destroying Plame's career it was only natural for an Administration steeped in corruption to play defense and seek to present the sordid incident of involving no crime at all.  To achieve this objective the neocons called on attorney Victoria Toensing, an established veteran of the Fox Kool-Aid circuit.  

Toensing developed a spurious argument that the 25-year-old law protecting identities of U.S. intelligence officers from exposure required that the person or persons involved actually "reside" or "stationed" overseas during the previous five years.  

The law refers to officers having "served" abroad in the previous five years, which Plame later testified she had done by traveling overseas on assignments for the CIA.  

The irony arising from this sordid pursuit of vengeance by the White House was that Plame was involved in undercover efforts to detect efforts by terrorists to acquire nuclear weapons.  This is an area that according to White House nostrums is second to none in the current "war on terror" that the Bush Administration has declared itself to be hell-bent on winning.  

Near the end of its editorial The New York Times focused on the irony of the right wing talk show brigade that just a few days ago decried the idea of any special treatment being accorded to Paris Hilton in jail.  

The crocodile tears are currently flowing like wine as they praise Bush for terminating unjustified suffering for Libby, explaining that a fine, probation and reputation damage were "harsh punishment" enough for Dick Cheney's top aide.

While on the subject of fine and probation, how long will it be before Bush provides a full pardon for Libby?  For anyone following the catastrophic mess occurring on the neocon White House march this, like the sentence commutation, should hardly come as a surprise.

Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi should be asked a highly pertinent question.  Should impeachment still be off the table, Speaker Pelosi?        


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In all the talk I've heard about this, I've heard little about what I assume is the practical effect of commutation instead of pardon. I hope folks will let me know if I'm wrong on this, but doesn't this mean that Scooter can avoid testifying before Congress because his case is still on appeal?

If Bush had pardoned him, couldn't Congress have compelled his testimony, under oath, about the whole Plame mess?

And, if Bush had done nothing, wouldn't the prosecutor have been able to force Scooter to talk in order to avoid going to prison?

So - by commuting the sentence and not pardoning him, doesn't that pretty much guarantee Scooter's silence?

And, if that was precisely the purpose of doing what Bush did, isn't that really obstruction of justice?

Lots to think about.

Craig Wiesner
ReachAndTeach.com

Craig Wiesner Educational Products for Peace and Social Justice www.reachandteach.com

by accidentalactivist on 07/04/2007 02:22:16 PM EST

for a very informative and timely comment.  For Craig and others interested in what the future holds for Libby in the investigative process stay tuned to Keith Olbermann's fine program on MSNBC.

Last night Olbermann devoted a significant part of his program to asking experts about where things stand now that Libby's sentence has been commuted.  They noted that he could well end up testifying after being provided with immunity.

I guess we know why Bush and Cheney would prefer that Libby talk to no one.  As Cheney's former top aide Libby knows a great deal about what Cheney and Bush know about the Valerie Plame Affair along with how they may have been involved in the proceedings.  

In terms of Craig's question about an obstruction of justice charge against Bush, as I noted in my column Bush's activities during these proceedings do involve such an obstruction charge since efforts were made on a continuing basis to prevent Fitzgerald and his subordinates from prosecuting a criminal case of grave magnitude for our entire criminal law system.

I do not believe that Bush and Cheney are likely to resign so this is one time where in my view the Watergate precedent does not hold.  Based on past conduct and the fact that the major Republican leadership consists of Cheney-Bush sycophants I believe that it will take impeachment to do the job.  

I will allow for the fact that, if Cheney and Bush have their backs to the wall to the point where no positive end looms in sight for them, that they might decide to resign, but I do not look for a dramatic showdown in the White House comparable to 1974 when Barry Goldwater took Republican Senate leader Hugh Scott and House leader John Rhodes to assist him in convincing Nixon that his situation was thoroughly hopeless and that he would be resoundingly defeated in a Senate trial.  

by Bill Hare on 07/04/2007 07:53:47 PM EST

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